Friday, July 23, 2004
The Many Deceits of Dave Kopel (16-31)
Back for more. Well, at least I am. If you don't know what I'm talking about, see here, and here, and for reference throughout, see Kopel and Moore's citations (though sometimes lame excuses for his arguments). (And stu, when I said I had nothing better to do, I didn't mean I wanted to work overtime on this. Damn you and your comments)
Deceit 16
The Bush and James Bath connection, part 1. Bath was Bush's friend from the National Guard (so he must have shown up for at least one night on the town), who was hired by the bin Ladens to be their U.S. money manager. The movie says that the bin Ladens invested in Bath, who “in turn invested in George W. Bush,” as he invested in Bush’s energy company Arbusto (which, in Spanish, means “shrub”). However, Bath asserts he invested his own money, and no records show that bin Laden funds were invested in Arbusto. Though many people would understand from the film that Bath may not have invested bin Laden money, this may mislead others. -.25
Deceit 17
The Bush and James Bath connection, part 2. Bath and Bush were ordered to stop flying by the Alabama Guard for failing to report for a physical exam. On the records released by the White House during the National Guard controversy, Bath’s name is blacked out. Moore, however, previously obtained an un-censored copy from the Guard which did show Bath’s name. Moore implies that the White House deliberately hid Bath’s name to avoid the embarrassing Bush-Bath-bin Laden connection. However, federal law (pages 9 and 10) requires Bath’s name to be blacked out, unless he consents to the release of his information. Poorly done, Mr. Moore. The connection would still serve your point without the “concealment” of Bath’s name. -0
Deceit 18
Moore discusses the close relationship between the Bushes and Prince Bandar, Saudi Arabia’s U.S. Ambassador. While they do have close ties, Kopel points out that Bandar also had ties to Clinton and has been a “bipartisan Washington power broker for decades.” Ok, Bandar has dealt with many a politician. But did any of them have friendships that extended beyond business, and did any of them have those ties while commanding the military, while the country was attacked by a group consisting mainly of Saudis, and while doing nothing in retaliation to Saudi Arabia? That is Moore’s point. -1
Deceit 19 & 20
This really looks like one deceit. I’ll try to split hairs to help Kopel out here. Kopel quotes Fahrenheit:
The first deceit is that Bush checked with “those same ‘company lawyers’” before selling his stock. The second is that there was no evidence of wrongdoing on the part of Bush, though he did fail to file an SEC disclosure form on time. Well, checking with lawyers before selling his stock only matters in the sense that it was a legal maneuver, which is the point of the second deceit – and which is said by Moore himself: “Bush beat the rap.” So what we have here is just one deceit, and that is not really a deceit because Moore says he beat the rap – which means there was not enough evidence to convict him. Further, Kopel says that “ALMOST all of the information that caused Harken’s large quarterly loss developed only after Bush had sold the stock,” (emphasis added) which lends to the notion implied by Moore, as he frames this segment in an accusational tone. It is a low move to subtly accuse someone of a crime of which they have already been acquitted, but also worthwhile to elucidate certain connections that may have abetted an unwarranted legal victory. One point is automatically taken away because there is only one potential deceit here, not two. -1.5
Deceit 21-23
(there are four “deceits” here – each will have a starting value of .75)
- Moore describes the links between the bin Laden family and the Bush family through the Carlyle Group, to which Bush Sr. was a senior advisor and Bush Jr. was a board member of a company owned by the Carlyle Group. Kopel does not like the fact that there are democrats involved with the Carlyle Group that Moore does not mention. On one hand, knowing that powerful democrats are Carlyle players diminishes the importance of the Bushes’ involvement, as it shows that when a company involves the world’s powerful and wealthy elite, there will be many strange bedfellows. On the other hand, the Bushes seem to have a personal relationship with the Saudi investors beyond business. Also, as stated earlier, regarding the Prince Bandar ties, the others did not have these connections while governing America and being attacked by bin Laden and Saudi nationals. -.5
- Fahrenheit “quotes author Dan Briody claiming that the Carlyle Group ‘gained’ from September 11 because it owned United Defense, a military contractor.” (link added) However, he does not mention that an $11 billion Crusader artillery rocket system was cancelled by the Bush administration. This does not mean that they did not turn a profit from 9/11. Also in this financial deceit, Moore “tells us that when Carlyle took United Defense public, they made a one-day profit of $237 million, but under all the public scrutiny, the bin Laden family eventually had to withdraw.” He fails to mention that they withdrew before the public offering, not after it. Yep, that was deceptive, and completely irrelevant. -.70
Kopel throws out another anti-Bush Carlyle investor, George Soros, seemingly to please himself, before moving on to the next deceit.
- “Moore alleges that the Saudis gave $1.4 billion to the Bushes and their associates.” However, the majority of that was solely from contracts in the early-mid ‘90s for BDM, a military contractor hired to train Saudi forces, before Bush Sr. was a member of the advisory board (though Bush Jr. was with a Carlyle owned company – Caterair, who’s only connection to BDM is being funded by Carlyle – until 1994.). The money was not all given to the Bushes, just their associates. -.25
- And finally, Moore makes hay over the fact that Bush the Elder still receives daily CIA briefings, as is his right as a former President, while no other President takes advantage of this. Kopel states, “The suggestion is made that Bush uses the C.I.A. information for personal business purposes…We have no way of knowing, and it is possible the [sic] Bush does so.” I do not remember if the suggestion is what Kopel drew from the information on screen or was actually put forth by Moore – either way, it is a possibility, as Kopel admits. Other possible explanations may exist (like Kopel’s notion that Bush is interested as a former CIA director), but their omission is not a deceit. -.75
Deceit 24
Moore asks Craig Unger, author of House of Bush, House of Saud, how much the Saudies have invested in America. Unger replies, “Uh, I’ve heard figures as high as $860 billion dollars,” a number used in his book. Asked further about the percentage of our economy the Saudi investment totals, Unger replies, “Well, in terms of investments on Wall Street, American equities, it’s roughly six or seven percent of America.” Moore later says that the Saudi royal family and elite own seven percent of America.
The numbers here can be spun many ways, almost all of which lead to the conclusion that Moore is flat out wrong in his assertion. While $860 billion would be roughly %7 of the New York Stock Exchange, which validates Unger’s claim, the NYSE is far from all of America’s value. That figure would total roughly %8 of foreign investment, not of “America,” unless, as Kopel says, “you believe that all American assets are owned by foreigners.” Further, the $860 billion figure itself is unreliable, as even Unger’s sources, cited by Kopel, give a broad range between roughly $400 billion and $750 billion. Though Unger only unconvincingly says he has heard $860, Moore fancifully stretches this to implausible lengths, while effectively deceiving the viewer into thinking that Saudis own %7 of America. There are ways to say Moore did not lie, but this entire segment is ridiculous. -0
Deceit 25
Moore, across the street from the Saudi embassy, is questioned by a Secret Service agent, who says that they do not usually guard foreign embassies. Moore did not do his homework, as the agent was wrong, as the Secret Service website says uniformed officers provide protection for “foreign diplomatic missions and embassies in the Washington, DC area.” This was the officer's, and not Moore's, statement, and one would think a secret service officer would know better than anyone else. But it is in their policy to protect embassies (acoording to Kopel, only those that request it), and Moore makes implies that it is never done and must be some strange order by the President.. (By the way, Secret Service, you should fix your site – if you just go to the page for the Uniformed Division, the description leaves out embassies. Only by going to the UD through the employment opportunities page can you see that they protect embassies.) -0
Deceit 26
Moore asks in the documentary, “Is it rude to suggest that when the Bush family wakes up in the morning they might be thinking about what’s best for the Saudis instead of what’s best for you?” Kopel cites Slate’s Christopher Hitchens, who highlights that Moore fails to mention Saudi Arabia did not join Bush’s “Coalition of the Willing,” and forced the U.S to move its regional headquarters to Qatar. Kopel, though, defends Moore: “This isn’t to say that concerns about the wishes and interests of the Saudi rulers play too large a role in American foreign policy.” There is no deceit in suggesting, while making it clear that it is not a fact, that Bush and friends may have the Saudi’s interests in mind. Kopel again retreats to a character attack outside of the film, noting that Moore is extremely anti-Israel and did not include his true feelings about Israel in Fahrenheit. Though I am no fan of defending one who supports suicide bombers and calls on America to arm them with advanced military technology, this has no place in a critique of Fahrenheit’s errors. -1
Deceits 27 - 31
Many deceits about the Unocal pipeline through Afghanistan. Moore is at his worst here. Almost everything in this segment is false or deliberately misleading. The closest thing to a straightforward truth is the claim that Hamid Karzai was formerly a consultant for Unocal, which comes from a questionably translated and unsubstantiated French media source, Le Monde. Though Anton Sirius, who has been brought to my attention, and is much better at this than I, cites this article showing Karzai was an advisor for Unocal. Moore does get most of his facts right here, and it can be disputed how much Kopel has deliberately misuderstood and extended Moore's arguments. -2 (out of 5)
Kopel fares a bit better this time around, losing only 7.95 from these 16, bringing his total score to 10.8/31 (If this was baseball, Kopel would be paid millions). Moore certainly makes or implies some unfair arguments, and Kopel ha stumbled across them. Of course, if you list nearly everything in the movie as a deceit, and you are discussing a Michael Moore film, you are going to be right some of the time.
More "deceits" coming soon!
Deceit 16
The Bush and James Bath connection, part 1. Bath was Bush's friend from the National Guard (so he must have shown up for at least one night on the town), who was hired by the bin Ladens to be their U.S. money manager. The movie says that the bin Ladens invested in Bath, who “in turn invested in George W. Bush,” as he invested in Bush’s energy company Arbusto (which, in Spanish, means “shrub”). However, Bath asserts he invested his own money, and no records show that bin Laden funds were invested in Arbusto. Though many people would understand from the film that Bath may not have invested bin Laden money, this may mislead others. -.25
Deceit 17
The Bush and James Bath connection, part 2. Bath and Bush were ordered to stop flying by the Alabama Guard for failing to report for a physical exam. On the records released by the White House during the National Guard controversy, Bath’s name is blacked out. Moore, however, previously obtained an un-censored copy from the Guard which did show Bath’s name. Moore implies that the White House deliberately hid Bath’s name to avoid the embarrassing Bush-Bath-bin Laden connection. However, federal law (pages 9 and 10) requires Bath’s name to be blacked out, unless he consents to the release of his information. Poorly done, Mr. Moore. The connection would still serve your point without the “concealment” of Bath’s name. -0
Deceit 18
Moore discusses the close relationship between the Bushes and Prince Bandar, Saudi Arabia’s U.S. Ambassador. While they do have close ties, Kopel points out that Bandar also had ties to Clinton and has been a “bipartisan Washington power broker for decades.” Ok, Bandar has dealt with many a politician. But did any of them have friendships that extended beyond business, and did any of them have those ties while commanding the military, while the country was attacked by a group consisting mainly of Saudis, and while doing nothing in retaliation to Saudi Arabia? That is Moore’s point. -1
Deceit 19 & 20
This really looks like one deceit. I’ll try to split hairs to help Kopel out here. Kopel quotes Fahrenheit:
Moore: Yes, it helps to be the President’s son. Especially when you’re being investigated by the Securities and Exchange Commission. TV reporter: In 1990 when M. Bush was a director of Harken Energy he received this memo from company lawyers warning directors not to sell stock if they had unfavorable information about the company. One week later he sold $848,000 worth of Harken stock. Two months later, Harken announced losses of more than $23 million dollars.
Moore:…Bush beat the rap from the SEC…
The first deceit is that Bush checked with “those same ‘company lawyers’” before selling his stock. The second is that there was no evidence of wrongdoing on the part of Bush, though he did fail to file an SEC disclosure form on time. Well, checking with lawyers before selling his stock only matters in the sense that it was a legal maneuver, which is the point of the second deceit – and which is said by Moore himself: “Bush beat the rap.” So what we have here is just one deceit, and that is not really a deceit because Moore says he beat the rap – which means there was not enough evidence to convict him. Further, Kopel says that “ALMOST all of the information that caused Harken’s large quarterly loss developed only after Bush had sold the stock,” (emphasis added) which lends to the notion implied by Moore, as he frames this segment in an accusational tone. It is a low move to subtly accuse someone of a crime of which they have already been acquitted, but also worthwhile to elucidate certain connections that may have abetted an unwarranted legal victory. One point is automatically taken away because there is only one potential deceit here, not two. -1.5
Deceit 21-23
(there are four “deceits” here – each will have a starting value of .75)
- Moore describes the links between the bin Laden family and the Bush family through the Carlyle Group, to which Bush Sr. was a senior advisor and Bush Jr. was a board member of a company owned by the Carlyle Group. Kopel does not like the fact that there are democrats involved with the Carlyle Group that Moore does not mention. On one hand, knowing that powerful democrats are Carlyle players diminishes the importance of the Bushes’ involvement, as it shows that when a company involves the world’s powerful and wealthy elite, there will be many strange bedfellows. On the other hand, the Bushes seem to have a personal relationship with the Saudi investors beyond business. Also, as stated earlier, regarding the Prince Bandar ties, the others did not have these connections while governing America and being attacked by bin Laden and Saudi nationals. -.5
- Fahrenheit “quotes author Dan Briody claiming that the Carlyle Group ‘gained’ from September 11 because it owned United Defense, a military contractor.” (link added) However, he does not mention that an $11 billion Crusader artillery rocket system was cancelled by the Bush administration. This does not mean that they did not turn a profit from 9/11. Also in this financial deceit, Moore “tells us that when Carlyle took United Defense public, they made a one-day profit of $237 million, but under all the public scrutiny, the bin Laden family eventually had to withdraw.” He fails to mention that they withdrew before the public offering, not after it. Yep, that was deceptive, and completely irrelevant. -.70
Kopel throws out another anti-Bush Carlyle investor, George Soros, seemingly to please himself, before moving on to the next deceit.
- “Moore alleges that the Saudis gave $1.4 billion to the Bushes and their associates.” However, the majority of that was solely from contracts in the early-mid ‘90s for BDM, a military contractor hired to train Saudi forces, before Bush Sr. was a member of the advisory board (though Bush Jr. was with a Carlyle owned company – Caterair, who’s only connection to BDM is being funded by Carlyle – until 1994.). The money was not all given to the Bushes, just their associates. -.25
- And finally, Moore makes hay over the fact that Bush the Elder still receives daily CIA briefings, as is his right as a former President, while no other President takes advantage of this. Kopel states, “The suggestion is made that Bush uses the C.I.A. information for personal business purposes…We have no way of knowing, and it is possible the [sic] Bush does so.” I do not remember if the suggestion is what Kopel drew from the information on screen or was actually put forth by Moore – either way, it is a possibility, as Kopel admits. Other possible explanations may exist (like Kopel’s notion that Bush is interested as a former CIA director), but their omission is not a deceit. -.75
Deceit 24
Moore asks Craig Unger, author of House of Bush, House of Saud, how much the Saudies have invested in America. Unger replies, “Uh, I’ve heard figures as high as $860 billion dollars,” a number used in his book. Asked further about the percentage of our economy the Saudi investment totals, Unger replies, “Well, in terms of investments on Wall Street, American equities, it’s roughly six or seven percent of America.” Moore later says that the Saudi royal family and elite own seven percent of America.
The numbers here can be spun many ways, almost all of which lead to the conclusion that Moore is flat out wrong in his assertion. While $860 billion would be roughly %7 of the New York Stock Exchange, which validates Unger’s claim, the NYSE is far from all of America’s value. That figure would total roughly %8 of foreign investment, not of “America,” unless, as Kopel says, “you believe that all American assets are owned by foreigners.” Further, the $860 billion figure itself is unreliable, as even Unger’s sources, cited by Kopel, give a broad range between roughly $400 billion and $750 billion. Though Unger only unconvincingly says he has heard $860, Moore fancifully stretches this to implausible lengths, while effectively deceiving the viewer into thinking that Saudis own %7 of America. There are ways to say Moore did not lie, but this entire segment is ridiculous. -0
Deceit 25
Moore, across the street from the Saudi embassy, is questioned by a Secret Service agent, who says that they do not usually guard foreign embassies. Moore did not do his homework, as the agent was wrong, as the Secret Service website says uniformed officers provide protection for “foreign diplomatic missions and embassies in the Washington, DC area.” This was the officer's, and not Moore's, statement, and one would think a secret service officer would know better than anyone else. But it is in their policy to protect embassies (acoording to Kopel, only those that request it), and Moore makes implies that it is never done and must be some strange order by the President.. (By the way, Secret Service, you should fix your site – if you just go to the page for the Uniformed Division, the description leaves out embassies. Only by going to the UD through the employment opportunities page can you see that they protect embassies.) -0
Deceit 26
Moore asks in the documentary, “Is it rude to suggest that when the Bush family wakes up in the morning they might be thinking about what’s best for the Saudis instead of what’s best for you?” Kopel cites Slate’s Christopher Hitchens, who highlights that Moore fails to mention Saudi Arabia did not join Bush’s “Coalition of the Willing,” and forced the U.S to move its regional headquarters to Qatar. Kopel, though, defends Moore: “This isn’t to say that concerns about the wishes and interests of the Saudi rulers play too large a role in American foreign policy.” There is no deceit in suggesting, while making it clear that it is not a fact, that Bush and friends may have the Saudi’s interests in mind. Kopel again retreats to a character attack outside of the film, noting that Moore is extremely anti-Israel and did not include his true feelings about Israel in Fahrenheit. Though I am no fan of defending one who supports suicide bombers and calls on America to arm them with advanced military technology, this has no place in a critique of Fahrenheit’s errors. -1
Deceits 27 - 31
Many deceits about the Unocal pipeline through Afghanistan. Moore is at his worst here. Almost everything in this segment is false or deliberately misleading. The closest thing to a straightforward truth is the claim that Hamid Karzai was formerly a consultant for Unocal, which comes from a questionably translated and unsubstantiated French media source, Le Monde. Though Anton Sirius, who has been brought to my attention, and is much better at this than I, cites this article showing Karzai was an advisor for Unocal. Moore does get most of his facts right here, and it can be disputed how much Kopel has deliberately misuderstood and extended Moore's arguments. -2 (out of 5)
Kopel fares a bit better this time around, losing only 7.95 from these 16, bringing his total score to 10.8/31 (If this was baseball, Kopel would be paid millions). Moore certainly makes or implies some unfair arguments, and Kopel ha stumbled across them. Of course, if you list nearly everything in the movie as a deceit, and you are discussing a Michael Moore film, you are going to be right some of the time.
More "deceits" coming soon!
# posted by Anonymous @ 7:40 AM 
